By Larissa Adler Lomnitz, E. A. Hammel
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Additional info for Networks and Marginality. Life in a Mexican Shantytown
Sample text
In the case of Cerrada del Condor, there are two bus lines through Las Aguilas a few blocks away from the shantytown, as well as in Merced Gomez and Lomas de Plateros on the opposite side of the ravine. " Most of the settlers also use nearby shops and markets in Las Aguilas, Merced Gomez, and other middle-class areas, particularly for tortillas, tortilla dough, drugs, and foodstuffs. Most shantytown children between the ages of 7 and 13 go to the public school of Las Aguilas, about 15 blocks away, or Merced Gomez across the ravine.
1 Such observations often appear to contradict the predictions of the model proposed by Redfield's followers. Now, a peasant arriving in a large city does not actually undergo anything like the supposed transition from folk society to urban society. Prior to migrating, peasants have been in contact with cities through many aspects of their culture. On the other hand, every large city contains "rural" islands and these are precisely the spots where rural migrants tend to congregate. The discrepancies of the folk-urban migration theory can hardly be blamed on Redfield, who never intended his model to apply to individuals.
Where the central slums of Latin American cities have become filled to capacity, the new migrants now go directly from the countryside to the peripheral shantytowns where they are expected by relatives or friends (Brown 1972). The dominant mechanism, as we see it, involves an exchange of information and assistance by and through social networks that span the gap between the city and the countryside. These networks encourage, regulate, or otherwise influence the migration process, beginning at the stage of decision making back in the village and continuing through the complex problems of adaptation and survival in the city.