By KENNETH SCOTT LATOURETTE
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Although it would be hard to argue that those selected for interview were statistically representative or randomly chosen, interviewees were drawn from all over the province, and from a variety of industries, occupations and types of location. Of those interviewed, 54 were leading cadres and 225 were identified as members of the ‘new rich’—the essential leaders of economic reform in the province. The category of the new rich is defined by position in the economy, as well as by wealth and patterns of expenditure (Robison and Goodman 1996a; esp.
See also Lee 1998a and 1998b. 3 Edwards (2000:59–84) provides an outstanding overview of the interactions between women and reform. See also Jacka (1997); Rofel (1998); Evans (1997). 4 Rosen (1995:315–41). On past practices, see Lamb (1984) and Goodman (1986). Details of the current political leadership may be found in the China Directory 2002 (2001), Kawasaki. 5 To quote Norma Diamond: ‘Women in the peasant sector and in the traditional business class of small shopkeepers…work, though the significance and burden of this work is obscured by its being done within the framework of the family…In business families, wives and daughters work in the shop, keep an eye on the apprentices and clerks, serve as loan agents, and help in the decision-making’ (1973:216).
Wang, S. and Hu, A. Sharpe. Wang, Z. Perry and Mark Selden, Chinese Society: Change, Conflict and Resistance, London and New York: Routledge, 62–82. GOODMAN Waring, M. (1999) Counting for Nothing: What Men Value and What Women are Worth, 2nd edn, University of Toronto Press. T. (1998) Unstately Power, vol. Sharpe. H. (2001) Power and Wealth in Rural China: The Political Economy of Institutional Change, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Wolf, M. (1985) Revolution Postponed: Women in Contemporary China, Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press.