By Ng Chin-keong
The publication examines the social and financial adjustments in south Fukien (Fujian) at the southeast coast of China in the course of the past due imperial instances. confronted with land shortages and overpopulation, the agricultural inhabitants of south Fukien grew to become to the ocean looking for clean possibilities to safe a livelihood. With the tacit help of neighborhood officers and the student gentry, the retailers performed a pivotal function in long-distance exchange, and the industrial networks they tested spanned the whole China coast, making the port urban of Amoy (Xiamen) a tremendous centre for maritime trade.
In the paintings, the writer discusses 4 interrelated spheres of job, particularly, the normal rural zone, the port towns, the coastal exchange and the abroad exchange hyperlinks. He argues that the artistic use of extended family agencies was once key to the expansion of the Amoy community alongside the coast in addition to in another country.
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Extra resources for Trade and Society: The Amoy Network on the China Coast, 1638-1735
Sample text
Mou is a Chinese unit for acreage. ), 20:80. 43 The situation in Ch’üan-Chang Prefectures should have been even worse, because their man-land proportion during the Ch’ing period was always regarded as being much lower than that of other prefectures. Despite the fact that the sources are not precise, they present a picture of a deteriorating man-land ratio, which substantiates the general observations made by Ho Ping-ti and Perkins. Multiple Landownership The situation of the man-land ratio can best be illustrated by the pattern of multiple landownership.
494. 19 As early as the twelfth century, Ch’üan-chou had arisen not only as one of the most important centres in the country for foreign trade, but also as one of the greatest shipbuilding centres, sharing the prosperity of the maritime trade with Canton to the south and Ningpo to its north. In the late thirteenth century Ch’üan-chou, known as Zayton to the West, overshadowed Canton in foreign trade and became the largest port of the country. The golden age of Ch’üan-chou continued until the late fourteenth century.
The 1558 and 1738 editions are quoted in Kataoka Shibako (1964), pp. 44–5. 51 Kataoka Shibako (1964), p. 44. ), chüan 8, quoted in Shimizu Taiji (1954), p. 615. 53 Fu I-ling (1961), pp. 49, 158. 54 Rawski (1972), pp. 19–22. 55 In fact, as shown, the land-title holder, or nominal owner, was not necessarily the proprietor. The latter, in turn, did not always choose to register the actual holding under his name and thereby avoided taxation. 56 In other words, it was not the nominal owner but the de facto proprietor who benefited most.