By Martin Holmes (eds.)
Europe is the most important political factor in modern Britain. The contributions to this quantity all convey disapproval and doubt in regards to the integration procedure. a few favour european club whereas rejecting the only forex; others favour renegotiation of Britain's dating with the european; others suggest withdrawal. yet diverse most well-liked strategies don't imprecise a commonality of trust that the established order of european club, prime inexorably to a financial and monetary euroland, is bad and will be democratically resisted. equally Tony Blair's advocacy of a 'superpower' Europe is conceptually repudiated.
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Additional resources for The Eurosceptical Reader 2
Sample text
If this scenario developed, it would jeopardise everything that the European Union stands for; and it is an everpresent danger in a Europe still rife with such deep economic and regional schisms, and the prospect of them worsening. Up to 1975, there was no specific European regional policy. Regional policy was left to national governments, and the European Commission confined itself to supervising and coordinating national regional aid and preventing unfair competition. Then, in 1975, after the accession of the UK, Denmark and Ireland to the European Community, the European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) was established to provide assistance for infrastructure and industrial projects.
We are, of course, no longer a global power but we have global interests and responsibilities, the latter deriving from our permanent seat on the UN Security Council, our membership of the G8 and our possession of dependent territories. We have a worldwide network of diplomatic posts, the British Council with its extensive spread of overseas offices, the BBC World Service and BBC World television with their audiences of millions, and a large aid programme. British firms and the City of London are active across the globe, as are British non-governmental organisations.
It may be objected that that prospect is not real. It is not imminent, but given the pace of European integration and the statements of European leaders, it is not unreal. As stated above, Britain’s position in world organisations would not be threatened by a decision to stay out of the euro. We would, for example, retain our permanent seat in New York and remain a member of the G8. But the closer we get to a central EU government, the more those things are threatened. For just as that government will wish to run its own foreign and defence policy, so it will wish to have its own seat in the Security Council and in the G8.