By Elizabeth J. Remick
This ebook examines how the ways that neighborhood executive selected to form the establishment of prostitution ended up reworking neighborhood states themselves. It starts off via taking a look at the origins of prostitution law in Europe and the way it unfold from there to China through Tokyo. Elizabeth Remick then drills down into the several regulatory techniques of Guangzhou (revenue-intensive), Kunming (coercion-intensive), and Hangzhou (light regulation). In all 3 situations, there have been targeted effects and implications for statebuilding, a few of which made governments greater and wealthier, a few of which weakened and undermined improvement. This examine makes a powerful case for why gender should be written into the tale of statebuilding in China, even if ladies, usually barred from political lifestyles at the moment in China, weren't obvious political actors.
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Extra resources for Regulating prostitution in China : gender and local statebuilding, 1900-1937
Example text
As I discuss in Chapter 3, Beijing, Shanghai, and Tianjin 19 in t roduc t ion all had relatively high revenues from prostitution taxes, but not as high as Guangzhou in any relative sense: in real terms, as a percentage of the local budget, or per registered prostitute. Some other cities adopted, at least for a time, some aspects of the revenue-intensive model. Hunan had a provincial-level tax on prostitution, and Nanjing also briefly collected a per-trick tax on prostitution. But I selected Guangzhou because it was the longest-lasting and best example of this approach.
T he or igin of t he chin ese r egul atory model There was no precedent in Chinese history for the model used by Chinese officials to regulate prostitution. In Europe, the origin of the regulatory model of controlling prostitution, and ultimately the source of the Chinese model via Tokyo, was Paris in the first decade of the nineteenth century. Many cities in Europe before the early nineteenth century had periodically licensed prostitution or even had municipally sponsored brothels, but in 1802 Paris police laid the foundations for a regulatory regime that focused on prostitutes as carriers of venereal disease, and therefore as a major threat to public health (Harsin 1985, xvi).
Once arrested, they were not subject to the regular judicial system, but to a hearing before the Morals Brigade of the police, which could incarcerate them without trial in a prison strictly for prostitutes. All of this was based on police regulations, rather than being enshrined in law. It implied the creation of a large institutional framework: special hospitals, dispensaries and doctors, prisons, courts, and inspectors, involving tens of thousands of officials in Paris alone. These institutions became even more fully developed in the 1870s and 1880s as “neoregulationists” tried to extend their reach from the enclosed brothels to the previously unregistered streetwalkers (Corbin 1990, 24; Harsin 1985).