By Nielsen Ingrid
China has an predicted 120-150 million inner migrants from the geographical region dwelling in its towns. those everyone is the engine that has been using China's excessive cost of financial progress. in spite of the fact that, until eventually lately, very little consciousness has been given to the institution of a social safeguard regime for migrant staff. This quantity examines the most important matters focused on developing social defense for them, together with a serious exam of deficiencies in current preparations and an in-depth learn of proposals which were provided for extending social defense insurance. that includes contributions from major teachers outdoors China who've written at the subject in addition to specialists from prime chinese language educational associations corresponding to chinese language Academy of Social Sciences and the advance study heart within the nation Council, this quantity offers a entire account from either inside and out China.
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Extra info for MIGRATION AND SOCIAL PROTECTION IN CHINA (Series on Contemporary China)
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In the post-Maoist era, the hukou system has effectively created a situation of rural-urban “apartheid,” facilitating the discrimination and exploitation of rural residents when they become migrant workers in the urban sector (Chan and Buckingham, 2007). 1 In measuring income inequality, zero corresponds to complete equality and one to a single person having all the income. 2 As Zhong (2004) observes, local governments have demanded that migrant workers obtain various official documents, including “an identification card, a migrant identity card, a temporary resident card, an employment registration card, and so on,” in order to control migration via extending the inequalities of the hukou system.
While under this system the social entitlements of people of different status were unequal, as an institutional arrangement it reduced demands on the central govern ment’s admin istrative capacity and the localities’ judicial capacity, giving local governments greater discretion and inheriting China’s tradition of grand unity (da yitong) in governance. Second, the hierarchy of property rights also stimulated local governments to develop industries under their own control. Under the hierarchy, the larger the scale of local state-owned industry, the greater would be its urban-employed population, and the greater would be the allocation of resources of all kinds from the state.
China’s current leaders are aware of the drawbacks in the land and social entitlement systems, and have begun to raise the social entitlements of the peasantry. To go beyond a philosophy of state rule formed over millennia—and in crucial respects reinforced in the command economy and market reform eras—is not something that can be done in a short time. A key factor determining how long it will take is the potential for, and risk of, continuing to develop the economy given the social entitlement system.