By Arthur Aughey
During this e-book, one of many prime gurus on modern Northern eire politics presents an unique, refined and leading edge exam of the post-Belfast contract political panorama. Written in a fluid, witty and available variety, this ebook explores: how the Belfast contract has replaced the politics of Northern eire no matter if the peace procedure remains to be legitimate the issues brought on by the language of politics in Northern eire the stipulations essential to safe political balance the shortcoming of unionists and republicans to proportion a similar political discourse the insights that political conception can supply to Northern Irish politics the way forward for key political events and associations.
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Extra info for The Politics of Northern Ireland: Beyond the Belfast Agreement
Example text
Nevertheless, it is almost always wrong ‘regarding the actual necessity of particular change’ (Berki 1981: 202). Scepticism is a valuable political commodity but scepticism as a mode of absolute resistance is nothing other than a dogma and it is a dogma that is likely to be inimical even to one’s own best interests. Imagination in politics is also a valuable commodity. It can invent better ways of doing things, it can emancipate people from restrictive modes of thought. However, imagination completely detached from possibility is yet another dogma and one that can also be dogmatically inimical to the cause of improvement.
The point of addressing the opposition was not to persuade but ‘to annoy them, and to bestow strength and courage on our own side, and to make it known to the others that they have not convinced us’ (Lichtenberg 1990: 70; emphasis in original). Though this aphorism does convey a certain truth about political 26 Conditions behaviour, it is only one aspect of the Northern Ireland problem and it is the argument of this chapter that it was not the most important factor in promoting and sustaining political violence.
Not only was there a faint and eerie echo of Fries. There was an Means and ends 37 even stronger echo of Robespierre, who famously believed that the revolutionary requires both virtue and terror: ‘virtue, without which terror is evil; terror, without which virtue is helpless’ (cited in O’Sullivan 1983: 57). Republican paramilitaries may have shown greater skill in romanticizing their virtue and justifying their terror than loyalists. Nevertheless, loyalists were not entirely without their own justifications for virtuous terror (see Taylor 1999).