By Tingjin Lin (auth.)
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40 The overall increasing of the local autonomy in terms of revenue shares does not necessarily erode Beijing’s control over provinces, while it does indeed provide more opportunities for local leaders to manipulate local resources to advance their careers, either legally or illegally. This is clearly applicable to the current case of education equalization, if a trade-off relation holds between educational and other expenditure. It is understandable that leaders will be more likely to pursue their personal interests at the expense of narrowing the educational disparity when they enjoy more economic autonomy.
The provincial level is required to use its redistributive resource to balance the disparity of compulsory education within a province. Yet, the decentralization of revenue and expenditure spheres means that the provincial level has taken on fiscal responsibilities beyond its capacity. Without effective policies to regulate fiscal relations between provincial and subprovincial levels, provinces tend to devolve expenditure responsibilities downwards while reducing redistributions, as they have to balance their own budget.
6 They all combine to influence the shape of public policies on inequality. Values do not change easily, but they do change according to social environment. 10 There are significant shifts of control over national resources from the center to local governments; central authority and effectiveness in rule-making and enforcing are declining; and subnational actors increasingly initiate and pursue policies in their own interests. 16 In this context, people might think elitism is applicable to explain the variation of intra-provincial education inequality among provinces.