By Staffan Kumlin (auth.)
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Extra resources for The Personal and the Political: How Personal Welfare State Experiences Affect Political Trust and Ideology
Example text
The growth of public expenditure meant that significant portions of the population came to consume welfare state services. By the same token, a significant part of the workforce came to be employed in the public sector. Dunleavy stressed that public consumption and employment were no longer confined to the industrial working classes or the poorer social segments. The prediction was that heavy public service consumers and public employees are more likely to embrace leftist political attitudes and vote for leftist parties (as such parties presumably protect the public sector).
In fact, respected theories about welfare state expansion and retrenchment assume that citizens take their personal welfare state self-interest into account when making political choices. In particular, scholars tend to argue that leftist opinions and parties gain support where welfare state arrangements benefit, not just the worse-off working class, but also the well-educated and well-to-do middle classes. Short-term material self-interest is believed to be one important causal mechanism in this process.
The major drawback is quite obvious: it does not capture all reasonable and potentially influential variants of interests. For instance, it excludes groupinterests, at least to the extent that group-interest does not overlap with individual self-interest. In other words, the concept does not capture interests related to the well-being of some collective to which an individual belongs, without necessarily affecting the specific individual (see Sears and Funk 1991:16). Hence, the process by which rational working-class citizens choose to support extensive welfare state arrangements because they think such arrangements benefit workers as a collective is not a self-interest effect according to our definition.