By The Economist Group
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Extra info for The Economist - 28 April 2001
Sample text
No serving prime minister of Italy since the war has yet been a defendant in a criminal trial. Cosy with Cosa Nostra? Mr Berlusconi’s problems with the magistracy have not been confined to Milan. In Sicily, Mafia pentiti (supergrasses who have “repented”), especially Salvatore Cancemi, whose evidence has helped prosecutors secure several convictions against Mafia bosses, have made very grave allegations against Mr Berlusconi and his close friend, Marcello Dell’Utri. Mr Cancemi alleged in 1996 that both were in direct contact with the Mafia boss who ordered the bombing which killed an anti-Mafia magistrate, Paolo Borsellino, in 1992.
In 1991 and 1992, Mr Berlusconi paid a total of 23 billion lire into Craxi’s offshore bank accounts from a clandestine part of his Fininvest empire, known as All Iberian. Following leads from their investigation of Craxi’s bank accounts, prosecutors discovered a secret and substantial network of Fininvest companies, incorporated in such jurisdictions as the British Virgin Islands and the Channel Islands. These companies were not disclosed as subsidiaries in Fininvest’s accounts. According to prosecutors, in 1993 Mr Berlusconi signed a letter to his auditors falsely stating that these companies were not part of the Fininvest group.
The costs of that war—and the depth of the United States’ involvement in it—were highlighted by the deaths in Peru on April 20th of an American missionary and her baby. They were killed when an air-force jet shot at their aircraft, confusing it with a drug plane. The missionaries’ aircraft had been spotted by an American spy plane. American officials claimed that the Peruvian jet had fired without following agreed procedures for identifying suspicious aircraft and forcing them to land. Peru said an investigation should precede assignments of blame.