
By Kurt Lewin
Whilst the highbrow historical past of the 20 th century is written, Kurt Lewin would certainly count as a type of few males whose paintings replaced essentially the process social technological know-how in its most crucial interval of improvement. in the course of his expert existence . . . the social sciences grew from the level of speculative approach development . . . to a extra mature improvement during which empirical facts are searched for the importance they could have for systemic theories. One explanation for this breadth of effect is that a lot of his paintings involved itself with making a choice on the methodological and conceptual necessities for a mature technology of human behavior." --from the Foreword to box thought in Social technological know-how via Dorwin Cartwright APA is proud to reissue those classics by means of Kurt Lewin, Resolving Social Conflicts and box concept in Social technological know-how, in a single finished quantity.
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Extra info for Resolving Social Conflicts: And, Field Theory in Social Science
Example text
Obviously, if we permit anti-democratic powers to establish themselves, people will have no chance to make a decision toward democracy. Our task is to create that minimum degree of democracy which is necessary for an international organization of the type we wish to realize, that minimum which would permit us within a shrunken, interdependent world, to develop the democracy we want at home. " To attack this problem realistically we will have to avoid an American imperialism which will police the world, as well as an American isolationism which will shy away from the responsibility required of any member of a democratic gr~up of nations.
A second reason for splitting into relatively small and differentiated groups is the greater emphasis of ideas relative to action (page 25). , was partly due to a tendency among Socialists, "not to waste their vote" for a candidate who would not win. One hears the expression of such a "practical" attitude much more frequently in the United States than in Germany. The G-type under similar circumstances was more likely to vote according to his ideals than in reference to a certain action. We have mentioned that similarly individualistic trends of the G-type can be observed in relation to social gatherings.
Like the American climate, the American economic and social life includes extremes (the biggest and best even in crime). The American does not mind, or even prefers, extremes in close proximity. In business life, the American seems more inclined to take risks, selling or buying on a large scale. One is more accustomed to someone' s getting rich or poor quickly. The various regions of activity within the social life of the United States seem to be more circumscribed, more clearly distinguished and more sharply separated than in Germany.