By Emilie Stoltzfus
In the course of international struggle II, American girls entered the crew in unparalleled numbers, and lots of of them trusted federally funded baby care courses. on the finish of the battle, operating moms vigorously protested the termination of kid care subsidies. In Citizen, mom, employee, Emilie Stoltzfus lines grassroots activism and nationwide and native coverage debates relating public investment of kid's day care within the twenty years after the top of global battle II. utilizing occasions in Cleveland, Ohio; Washington, D.C.; and the nation of California, Stoltzfus identifies a winning trust between postwar policymakers that ladies may possibly top serve the country as homemakers. even supposing federal investment used to be in short prolonged after the tip of the struggle, grassroots campaigns for sponsored day care in Cleveland and Washington met with basically constrained good fortune. In California, in spite of the fact that, moms asserted their value to the state's economic system as "productive electorate" and received an enduring, state-funded baby care application. furthermore, through the Nineteen Sixties, federal baby care investment won new lifestyles instead to money relief for negative unmarried moms. those debates concerning the public's stake in what many considered as a personal subject aid light up America's altering social, political, and monetary priorities, in addition to the which means of woman citizenship within the postwar interval.
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Extra info for Citizen, Mother, Worker: Debating Public Responsibility for Child Care after the Second World War (Gender and American Culture)
Sample text
32 The language adopted included no mention of the housekeeping exemption, which the legislative history suggests was deleted less because it offended legislators’ sense of fairness than because it became unnecessary. 33 Further, the bill’s opponents ceaselessly sought to weaken mothers and work 27 and generalize language that asserted any individual’s federally guaranteed right to paid work. 34 The rewriting of the Full Employment Act marked a telling defeat for postwar labor liberals. Their agenda—which included guaranteeing citizens’ health care through an expansion of the Social Security Act and establishing permanent federal agencies to help set wages and control prices, combat employment discrimination, and assist in job placement—quickly lost out to conservatives and a less reformist liberalism in the immediate aftermath of World War II.
Child Care, Protest, and Public Decision Making Half a decade earlier, at the close of World War II, many women recognized the significance of public child care provision to their own access and opportunity in the workplace. These working women sought to retain a 34 mothers and work service to which many before the war had had no access (or perhaps had even been unaware of). Invariably they faced long odds. Even if they supported the idea of mothers working during the war, many citizens and policymakers believed that women should rightly return home in peacetime.
24 mothers and work Murray. Well, of course, it was not expected that this bill was intended to take the housewives out of the homes and put them into industry or other employment. Murdock. Well, I do not want to do that, but I do not think that we should make an exception of any class. They are all entitled to the same opportunity. . If they are in the house today and want to get out tomorrow, in my opinion they should enjoy exactly the same opportunity as any other American. Murray. I think that that provision can be construed to mean that.